Cross-Country Admiration as a Motivation

ABSTRACT

This paper considers country-of-origin as a product attribute that can influence product evaluation and consumption via an affective route. A questionnaire administered to over 1300 Thai teenagers explored the hypothesis that smoking cigarettes is perceived as part of an attractive American lifestyle, particularly by youth in developing countries. It was further hypothesized that the desire to emulate this lifestyle and share in it vicariously leads at least some of these Thai teenagers to engage in smoking-related behaviors.

Much of the literature on the “country-of-origin” of a product and its influence on the consumer has considered the particular country in question as an additional attribute of the product. Johansson (1989) summarizes two cognitive processes whereby the consumer may use information regarding country-of-origin: 1) the individual might draw an inference from the country-of-origin to gain meaning regarding the product or a specific attribute of the product; thus, American cars were perceived as high on horsepower and low on gas mileage and reliability (Johansson, Douglas and Nonaka 1985); 2) country-of-origin might serve as a heuristic proxy simplifying product evaluation. Thus a Volkswagen made in Germany might be evaluated as a better product than a Volkswagen made in Mexico.

Whether presented as a single cue (see Bilkey and Nes 1982 for a review) or as part of multiple cue product descriptions (e.g., Johansson, Douglas and Nonaka 1985) rarely has country-of -origin been considered as anything other than a utilitarian attribute. Johansson (1989) does suggest that country-of-origin may serve as an affective cue (citing as an example some Jewish consumers’ rejection of products of German origin.) However, this perspective has been conspicuously absent in the literature.

The present study considers country-of-origin from an affective or motivational point of view; that is, where a country is generally admired or envied, consumers may seek to buy its products to establish closer “links” to that country and vicariously enjoy being a “part” of that country. While the typical country-of-origin case as cited above might indicate that (American) consumers may value a Volkswagen made in Germany more than a Volkswagen made in Mexico, no inference is drawn suggesting that consumers may wish to establish closer links to Germany and its people in order to vicariously enjoy being a part of that country. By contrast, that is the hypothesis tested in the present research: for developing countries in particular, the American lifestyle as promulgated via Hollywood exports and global advertising using western/American images is one that is admired and sought after. Purchasing American products is seen not simply as providing better products with better attributes because they are of American derivation. Rather these products are sought after because they help the consumer in the developing country identify with the U.S. and its citizens and help create a vicarious sense of identity with the U.S. Both journalistic and ethnographic commentaries as well as literature on self-image and self-concept, provide the context for the present study.

An ethnographic study conducted just prior to the breakup of the Soviet Union provides interesting insights as to how east bloc youth viewed the West in the late 1980’s. It is suggested that Western goods represented not just symbols of status and of a personalized style but ultimately identification with the west. Thus a 17 year-old is quoted as stating: “I like to wear this (University of Wisconsin) T-shirt because I feel like an American…” (Bar Haim 1987).

A more recent example suggests that this is not a phenomenon limited to Soviet Bloc countries in the 1980’s. When a bagel and coffee café recently opened in Istanbul it was noted that “…neither the bagel or coffee is the main attraction at the café…Nor are the muffins, the brownies or the cappuccino cheesecake. (The owners) are selling something they believe is even more irresistable. They are selling America, a product that is becoming ever more popular here….” (Kinzer 1999 p.A4). America and American culture are seen as representing “youth, freedom, money, do-it-yourself, anything goes and self-empowerment” (Trueheart 1998) viewed across the world as universal ideals and desires. (Rushdie 1999).

These views are convergent with the literature considering the degree of congruity or similarity between the image of a product or brand and the actual or ideal identity of the consumer. In general, the more similar a product’s image is to the consumer’s self-image, the more consumers are drawn to the product (Sirgy 1982).

On three continents, independent commentaries by journalists suggest that youth across the world often view the act of smoking cigarettes as a way of emulating Americans. For example, consider the following commentary refers to youth in China: “…young and newly affluent smokers reject the plentiful government-produced brands in favour of anything Western—and preferably American…. You see secretaries and young professionals smoking like they think sophisticated young people in the West do.” (Dr. Judith Mackay as cited in Stancill 1997, p. 19)

In the African country of Senegal, an observer notes: “Most cigarette billboards show white people exclusively …such images appeal to the Senegalese people’s desire to imitate the Western, specifically American, life style. Many Senegalese…have the mistaken idea that most Americans smoke. (White 1997).

With regard to eastern Europe, a former ambassador to Hungary remarks: “In Ukraine…I counted 25 billboards on the way into town and 19 were selling cigarettes with messages that said directly or indirectly: ‘Be American, smoke American…Smoking is marketed as a national U.S. characteristic that others should emulate.’” (Hoagland 1998). Propagation of the American image is not limited to advertising: “America’s biggest export is no longer the fruit of its fields or the output of its factories, but the mass produced products of its popular culture—movies, TV programs, music, books and computer software.” (Farhi and Rosenfeld 1998).

Hypotheses

This study tests the hypothesis that for teenagers in one developing country, Thailand, emulation of the U.S. is one of the motivations for smoking cigarettes. We reasoned that: a) the general images that are carried throughout the developing world via American movies, TV and Western/American image advertising, has resulted in a generally positive attitude towards the American way of life; b) given the portrayal of cigarettes in U.S. movies and T.V. programs that are heavily exported, as well heavy global advertising and promotional outlays by American cigarette companies, cigarettes and American cigarettes in particular, ought to be identified with the American way of life. The Marlboro cowboy is readily identified around the world as a symbol (if not the symbol) of America.

It is hypothesized that: teenagers in Thailand, a developing country, who are exposed to these various American images

will be attracted to America.

will be attracted to products perceived as part of an American lifestyle, such as cigarettes.

Among Thai teenagers attracted to the U.S., the higher the perceived percentage of Americans who smoke, the more likely they will be to smoke.

To the extent Marlboro cigarettes are more closely identified with the U.S. lifestyle than are domestic cigarette brands, Thai teenagers who are more attracted to the U.S. and who smoke, will be more likely to smoke Marlboros.

Study Design & Questionnaire Development

Discussions were conducted with a variety of health professionals and public health officials in both Thailand and other Asian locations. This resulted in the development of a questionnaire which took about 15 minutes to complete. The main aspects of the questionnaire are described below. The questionnaire was developed in English, translated into Thai and then back translated, allowing for changes and corrections. This iterative process resulted in an instrument that we were confident had adequate validity. Action against Smoking and Health (ASH Thailand) was the local agency that helped with the translations, in securing the cooperation of the schools and in distributing and collecting the questionnaires. In all, 1338 questionnaires with high school students aged 14-17 were completed in Bangkok schools in late summer 1998.

Questionnaire

The questionnaire included the following topics:

The key independent measure, attraction to the U.S., was assessed by the following question: “ If you could magically change yourself for one year into one of the following types of teenagers, which one would you choose, a teenager from: a) China; b) Britain; c) America; d) Japan; e) Hong Kong.

Potential covariates included; a) media measures: the number of American movies seen in the last two months, both in the theater and on video; b) awareness of advertising: an open-ended question determining if the respondent could identify advertising for a brand “that most often caught your attention;” c) the perceived number (in increments of 10) out of 100 “among people your age in the U.S. who smoke cigarettes.”

Dependent measures included a standard set of smoking behaviors, including whether the respondent had a) tried puffing on a cigarette; b) smoked at least one full cigarette; c) intended to smoke in one year’s time (a four point scale ranging from “Definitely will not” to “Definitely will”); d) if the respondent smoked, the particular brand he/she smoked.

Results

Attraction to the U.S. versus other countries. When asked which country they would choose to be a teenager in for a year, Britain was the most popular choice with 60% picking it. The U.S. was next with 29%, followed by Japan (6%) and China (5%). In four separate comparisons, those choosing each of these countries were contrasted with those choosing all other countries summed together. (Since less than 1% of respondents selected Hong Kong they were omitted from further analyses of this measure.)

As noted in Table 1, those who would choose to be a U.S. teenager were more likely to have puffed and smoked a cigarette and were more likely to smoke in one year’s time.

Table 1

The Desire to Be a Teenager in U.S.

and Smoking-Related Behaviors

Teenage smoking behavior:	Didn’t Select U.S.	Selected U.S.
Ever puffed cigarette	26%	32%*
Ever smoked	20%	28%**
Likely to smoke in 1 year	12%	20%***

*p<.05; **p<.01; ***p<.001 in this and in subsequent tables.

There were no significant differences in levels of smoking behaviors as a function of those selecting (or not selecting) either China or Japan. Unexpectedly, as indicated in Table 2 below, those selecting Britain were less likely to have smoked or to be likely to smoke in one year.

Table 2

The Desire to Be a Teenager in Britain

and Smoking-Related Behaviors

Teenage smoking behavior:	Didn’t Select Britain	Selected Britain.
Ever puffed cigarette	31%	27%
Ever smoked	26%	20%**
Likely to smoke in 1 year	9%	4%**

The desire to be a teenager in the U.S., estimates of the percentage of Americans who smoke and smoking-related behaviors. If those who select the U.S. are more likely to have smoked, Table 3 below indicates that those who both select the U.S. and overestimate the percentage of teenage Americans who smoke are even more likely to have smoked. Of those who select the U.S. and who believe that a majority (50% or more) of Americans smoke, 34% have smoked themselves. This compares with 24% who have smoked, among those who also select the U.S. but (more accurately) estimate that the number of smokers in the U.S, is 40% or lower.

Table 3

The Desire to Be a Teenager in U.S.’

Estimates of the Percentage of U.S. Teenage Smokers

and Smoking-Related Behaviors

	Estimate of Percentage of U.S. Teenage Smokers
Teenage smoking behavior:	Lower, More Accurate Estimate (0-40%)	Higher, Less Accurate Estimate (50-100%)
Ever puffed cigarette	30%	36%
Ever smoked	24%	34%*
Likely to smoke in 1 year	16%	25%*

Direct Influence of U.S. Movies and Videos on Smoking-Related Behaviors

A relatively high percentage of the population in China and Japan smoke, but attraction to (and selection of) one of these countries in which to live as a teenager did not lead Thai teenagers to smoke more. Consequently, it would appear that those selecting the U.S. are motivated to smoke by more than just the perception of the sheer number of people who smoke in the U.S. Among other factors, American efforts to advertise, merchandise and otherwise promote cigarettes as part of the “good (American) life” likely motivates smoking on the part of Thai teenagers. A significant part of that exposure comes in the form of U.S. movies in the theater and on video. The following section considers the relationship between exposure to U.S. movies and smoking-related behaviors.

U.S. Movies in the theater. The teenage sample indicated that over the past two months they had seen an average of 1.8 American movies in the theater. As indicated in Table 4 below, the more movies the teenagers had seen, the greater the likelihood of their having puffed and smoked a cigarette. Thus, 28% of those who had seen 3 or more movies had smoked a cigarette, while 19% of those who had not seen a movie had smoked. The likelihood of their smoking in one year’s time was not significantly related to this measure.

Table 4

Media Influence: Number of U.S. Movies

Seen in Theaters in Last 2 Months

Teenage smoking behavior:	0	1-2	3 or more
Ever puffed cigarette	25%	27%	33%*
Ever smoked	19%	21%	28%**
Likely to smoke in 1 year	13%	14%	15%

U.S. Movies on Video. The teenagers indicated that over the past two months they had seen an average of 1.8 American movies on video. As with American movies seen in the theaters, those who had seen more American movies on video were more likely to have puffed and smoked a cigarette, but not more likely to express an intention to smoke in one year’s time; (Table 5 below).

Table 5

Media Influence: Number of U.S. Movies

Seen on Video in Last 2 Months

Teenage smoking behavior:	0	1-3	4 or more
Ever puffed cigarette	24%	29%	32%*
Ever smoked	19%	24%	27%*
Likely to smoke in 1 year	15%	14%	15%

U.S. Movies and Videos and Attraction to the U.S.

As noted in Tables 6 and 7, exposure to American movies was also more likely to lead Thai teenagers to select the U.S. as the country in which they would like to live as a teenager.

Table 6

U.S. Movies and the

Desire to Be a Teenager in U.S.

	Saw No U.S. Movies	Saw 1 or more U.S. movies
Selected U.S.	24%	31%
Didn’t Select U.S.	77%	69%
Total	100%	100%**

Table 7

U.S. Videos and the

Desire to Be a Teenager in U.S

	Saw No U.S. videos	Saw 1 or more U.S. videos
Selected U.S.	26%	31%
Didn’t Select U.S.	74%	69%
Total	100%	100%*

The desire to be a teenager in the U.S. and smoking Marlboros. If exposure to U.S. movies is one of the factors related to higher levels of smoking and to the selection of the U.S. as the country in which the teenagers wished to live in, attraction to advertising for Marlboro cigarettes may also perform the same function.

In this sample, Marlboro was the most frequently smoked brand (37% of smokers); Krongtip was next with 33% of smokers and Saiphon third with 18% of smokers. 12% smoked other brands. Table 8 below indicates that among teenagers who smoked, selection of the U.S. was related to smoking (American) Marlboros. Similar comparisons for those who were attracted to each of the other countries revealed no comparable patterns with regard to smoking Marlboros; (e.g. comparing those who selected Japan with those selecting all other countries, there was no significant difference with regard to the percentage smoking Marlboro or the domestic brands.)

Table 8

Brand Smoked and Selection of the U.S.

Versus All Other Countries

Brand Selected:	Desire to be a Teenager in U.S.	Desire to be a Teenager in all other countries
Marlboro	50%	37%
Krongtip/Saiphon	50%	63%
Total	100%	100%* ^a

^a The 10% selecting brands other than Marlboro, Krongtip or Saiphon were omitted in these comparisons, as it was not possible to determine whether they were local or foreign brands.

Advertising

Of the 32% of the sample who recalled cigarette advertising that “caught their attention,” 72% cited Marlboro advertising. Advertising for the leading two domestic brands was recalled by just 20% of the sample.

Recall of Marlboro or domestic brand advertising and brand smoked. Beyond it’s considerably greater reach, Marlboro advertising appears to be relatively more effective in a competitive sense than the advertising for the domestic brands. Table 9 considers the relationship between recall of advertising for Marlboro versus the two leading domestic brands and the brand of cigarette smoked. (Those in the “other” category were not considered for this analysis, since the specific brand and whether it was domestic or foreign could not be determined).

Table 9 includes only those who smoke. Among this group, those who did not recall any specific advertising might be considered a “benchmark” group. Of these, 66% smoked the two leading domestic brands and 34% smoked Marlboro. Of those who recalled advertising for the two domestic brands, 77% smoked these brands. This increase of 11% was not statistically significant. By contrast, 53% of those who recalled Marlboro advertising smoked Marlboros; compared to the 34% who smoked Marlboros in the benchmark group, the difference of 19% was highly significant (p<.01). It would suggest that the Marlboro advertising is relatively more effective than the Krongtip and Saiphon advertising in persuading smokers to shift to Marlboro and/or in supporting their decision to do so.

Table 9

Recall of Cigarette Advertising

By Brand & Brand Smoked

	Advertising Recalled For:
Brand Smoked	Marlboro	Domestic	None
Marlboro	53%	23%	34%
Domestic	47%	77%	66%
Total	100%	100%	100%**

Discussion

Country-of-origin effects have typically been studied using an information processing paradigm, with country-of-origin treated as a utilitarian attribute (Johansson 1989). By contrast, the results of this study suggest an affective process in which smoking is seen as part of an attractive American lifestyle. Thai teenagers who are attracted to the U.S. relative to other countries as a place they would like to live, are more likely to smoke and if they smoke, they are more likely to smoke the American brand, Marlboro. Exposure to American movies is related to heightened levels of smoking-related behaviors and to a heightened attraction to America. Those who both select the U.S. and overestimate the number of their peers who smoke in the U.S. are still more likely to engage in smoking-related behaviors. Marlboro advertising appears to be dominant in terms of reach and effectiveness. While none of these relationships are necessarily causal, the pattern is suggestive of emulation of the U.S. as a motivating factor in moving Thai teenagers to smoke.

Almost 30% of Thai teenagers opted for the U.S. as a place they would want to live as a teenager for a year, if magically they could. Of these, 28% of these indicated they had smoked in the past (as compared with 20% of those who had selected other countries). This figure increased to 34% among those who both selected the U.S. and believed a majority of their peers in the U.S. smoked, while it dropped to 24% among those who provided relatively more accurate, lower estimates of the number of their peers in the U.S. who smoke. These figures suggest that an intervention that would effectively convince the 30% who are attracted to the U.S. that most Americans their age don’t smoke, could reduce the incidence of smoking by as much as 10%, or by 3% overall.

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